“出土文獻與戰國秦漢地方行政研究新境”專輯
按語：制度史作為傳統的史學命題，得到幾代學人濃墨重彩的書寫；但由於史志中有關地方制度的記載匱乏，研究多集中於中央。上世紀後半葉至本世紀初，是全國各地楚、秦、漢、吳、晉簡牘“爆炸式發現期”，相當一部分簡牘為郡縣行政系統或與之平行的屯戍系統文書檔案，為戰國秦漢至三國西晉地方行政研究注入了新鮮血液。借助出土簡牘，配合石刻、銘文、封泥、印章、壁畫等材料，重新思考基層行政相關問題，已經有諸多學者提供了示範性研究。有鑒於此，先秦秦漢史公眾號擬於4月下旬推出“出土文獻與戰國秦漢地方行政研究新境”專輯，推介相關研究成果。期待各位前輩、同道支持！
The second half of the last century was the “explosive discovery period” for all parts of the country. A significant part of the history of the system, as a traditional historical theme, was written by generations of scholars; however, research was concentrated in the centre because of the paucity of records and research on local systems in the history of the country. The second half of the last century was the “explosive discovery period” for all parts of the country, Qin, Han, Wu, and Qing.
專輯顧問：鄒水杰，專輯策劃：游逸飛、徐暢，專輯編輯：李凱凱、姚磊。
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何處是居延？──
- Where's strong? - / span
居延城建置反映的漢代河西經營進程（下）
臺灣大學歷史系 石昇烜
Taiwan University Department of History.
第四章 居延地區在西漢河西行政區劃上的變化
Chapter 4 Changes in the extended area on the west side of the West Han River Administration
一、從「居延都尉區」到「張掖郡居延縣」
"Strong" I, from "Lieutenant Yindu" to "Jang Jian County"
西漢晚期的《漢書．地理志》載居延屬張掖郡，居延漢簡中「張掖居延」這類顯示隸屬關係的稱呼也可為證。前文已考證居延建置的年代與經過，但對「居延城」與居延縣的關係，甚至與張掖郡的關係仍不甚清楚。「置居延」的時間晚於張掖郡設立的年代，但居延地區是否從一開始就屬於張掖郡？這個問題關乎居延地區在行政區劃上的地位變化。
The late version of Sihan's "Hanshu. Geography" in Zhang Qing County, where the name of the "Janjian" in Yanhan Jane is also used as evidence of the slave relationship. The earlier version confirms the age of the settlement and its history, but the relationship between the city and the county is still unclear, even for Zhang Qing County. The term "tension" is later than the age of Zhang Qing County, but does the area of the settlement belong to Zhang Qing County from the beginning?
《史記．大宛列傳》載太初三年「益發戍甲卒十八萬，酒泉、張掖北，置居延、休屠以衞酒泉」，如淳注曰：「立二縣以衞邊也。或曰置二部都尉。」可見如淳也不能肯定到底是立縣還是都尉；司馬光則在「居延、休屠」後面，補了「屯兵」二字，認定為軍事行動，排除立縣的可能，卻未敢斷定是置二都尉。因此，從《漢書．地理志》載居延為「都尉治」，認為居延縣置於太初三年，恐有問題。
In the first three years of history, Shizuku wrote: "180,000 soldiers, wine fountains, ginshines, Quantues, Quanticos, Quanticos, Quantico, Quantico, Quanticos, Quanticos, and Quanticos." As a result, the city was transferred from the Hanson Geographic to the Quarter, where it was considered to be a Quartermaster, and Szema-Gang added the word "Tun" after the Qin-Jin, which was recognized as a military operation and ruled out the possibility of statehood, but did not dare to determine that it was a Second Lieutenant. Thus, it was assumed that there was a problem when he took up residence from Hanson-Geology as a Quarterman for three years later.
理解該問題的關鍵線索，即《漢書．食貨志》載：
The key clue to understanding the problem is "Handbook, Food and Food":
武帝末年，悔征伐之事，乃封丞相為富民侯。下詔曰：「方今之務，在於力農。」以趙過為搜粟都尉。過能為代田，一畮三甽。……令命家田三輔公田，又教邊郡及居延城。是後邊城、河東、弘農、三輔、太常民皆便代田，用力少而得穀多。
At the end of the year, Wu tyrannical repentance was given to His Highness, who was a rich man. He said: "I am responsible for this day's task, and I am responsible for the search of the land." He made Zhao a search for the land. He was a substitute for the land. He ordered the family to take care of the fields and teach the counties and the city of Yan. The cities behind him were the cities of Hedong, Hirono, San Xiang and the common people, so that they could take up their fields with little force and a lot of grain.
推行趙過代田法的地區包括「邊郡及居延城」。根據前兩章的考證，武帝末年，河西地區設立的邊郡有酒泉郡和張掖郡（敦煌郡可能也已經設立），這是毫無疑問的。此處的「居延城」所指應當包含其所轄的周邊區域。重點是：何以要將「居延城」與邊郡並列？除了顯示居延地區的特殊性與重要性，很可能是因為居延地區在此之前並不屬於張掖郡，而是一地位特殊的邊境軍事區。
There is no doubt that in the end of the last two chapters, the western part of the river had drinking springs and Jang County (which may have been set up). The area covered by the settlement should be the perimeter area. The point is, why should the settlement be combined with the border counties? In addition to showing the special character and importance of the extended area, it is probably because the extended area did not previously belong to the county, but rather is a border military area with a special status.
張春樹的〈漢代河西四郡的建置年代與開拓過程的推測〉已經指出這點，過去卻未受到重視，其論點頗具啟發性：
This was pointed out by Zhang Chunki's theory of the construction age and expansion of the four counties west of the Hamde River, but was not valued in the past, and the point is enlightening:
居延地區是以居延城和遮虜障為集中地。在某一段時間內居延城在全國行政組之上是站有特殊地位的。……此處以居延城與邊郡並列，且單獨提出不言所屬，不僅證明了居延地區是獨立發展的說法，而且也說明了居延城是這一地區的中心。從文中之意來看，「居延城」自然是指居延城所轄的地區而言。又，此處言「城」而不言「縣」，是此時尚無居延縣也。而且，居延縣是設於居延城，如此時已有「縣」，絕無言「城」之理。
Residential areas are concentrated in the city of Yan and the barrier. For a certain period of time, living in the city of Yan has a special status over the entire administration.... This place, which is listed alongside the city of Yan and the county of the border, and which has been presented alone, not only proves that the area of the settlement is an independent development, but also suggests that the city of Yan is the centre of the territory.
另一個證據，即前述太初三年於「酒泉、張掖北，置居延、休屠以衞酒泉」，從行文敘述來看，居延當不屬於張掖郡。
Another piece of evidence, namely, that the three years of the foregoing were held in the "Fountain of Liquor, Zhang Qin north, in a prolonged state and in a state of slaughter, was described as not belonging to Zhang Qing County.
張春樹又引居延漢簡213.28+213.44（勞圖36、37）推測居延縣設立的年代，該簡紀年為元康二年（64 B.C.），正面有「居延令勝之丞延年」，背面有「印曰居令延印」字樣，為當時已有居延縣的證據。張氏認為宣帝本始二年（72 B.C.），到該簡所記元康二年之間，為居延縣建置時間的上下限。因為〈宣帝紀〉載本始二年「凡五將軍，兵十五萬騎，校尉常惠持節護烏孫兵，咸擊匈奴」，造成「匈奴民衆死傷而去者，及畜產遠移死亡不可數勝。於是匈奴遂衰耗」，在此之後漢朝因應匈奴衰弱，應有所建置，張掖郡轄區擴大，將原來獨立於張掖郡外的「居延」納為轄縣，可能也在此時。並以居延漢簡16.10「張掖居延都尉」（勞圖303），為居延都尉被納入張掖郡轄下之證明，此簡據考屬元康五年（即神爵元年，61 B.C.），接近居延縣建立的時間。
Zhang’s spring tree, which led to Yanhan Jane’s 213.28 + 213.44 (Lutu 36, 37) postulates the construction of the city’s second year of residence (64 B.C.) on the face of the “Yanyan year of victory” with the symbol “Imprint of the residence order” on the back as evidence of the existence of the county at that time. Zhang’s vision of the Emperor’s 2nd year of residence (72 B.C.) and the construction of the time limit for the county’s capital’s 2nd year of residence (32 B.C., 37) on the back of Janhan’s 2nd year of residence is that of Yuan’s 2nd year of residence (64 B.C.), which, because the Emperor’s 2nd year of residence is known as “General 5’s, 150,000’s soldiers, and the Captain’s constant support of the army’s soldiers, and the killing of Hunu’s property, and the death of livestock from the far north.
張春樹也提到敦煌設郡的歷程，說明邊郡的特殊性質和設置變化，作為上述說法的輔證。他舉敦煌漢簡中有「酒泉玉門都尉」為例，說明玉門都尉起初隸屬酒泉郡，更早之前甚至可能是獨立軍事區，後來分酒泉郡立敦煌郡時，才被劃入敦煌郡，故「玉門都尉」前面不再冠以「酒泉」二字，玉門的位置也隨之變動。又如《漢書．地理志》敦煌郡「效榖縣」條，師古注曰：「本漁澤障也。桑欽說孝武元封六年濟南崔不意為魚澤尉，教力田，以勤效得穀，因立為縣名。」可知效榖縣本屬魚澤都尉管理，後來立敦煌郡後則改為縣。敦煌郡是漢朝勢力進入河西後，進一步西進的結果。從上述玉門、魚澤都尉等例子可以推測：敦煌郡在設立前，酒泉在西邊的前線當設有幾個軍事「都尉區」，這些「都尉區」最初獨立於郡縣體制之外，後來方隸屬酒泉郡，敦煌郡建置後又被劃入敦煌郡。隨著情勢的更易和疆域的擴展，有的「都尉區」在未更名的情況下移動到新的前線，有些「都尉區」則被改制為縣。
As evidence of the above statement, Zhang Chunki also referred to the history of Lidun County, where "the special character and installation of Tammon" is no longer in front of the county, and the position of Tammon is changed as well. As in Hanson-Ghibashi, where the master is known to be "the Queen of Wines and Springs", Samin said that after six years of Qinjiang-Jin-Tian-Tyu did not want to be a Japanese captain, taught the field, used it as a tool, and made the name of the village.
不過，張春樹提出的證據仍須修正。其以簡16.10出現「張掖居延都尉」，時間考訂為宣帝「元康五年」（神爵元年），為目前所見居延都尉隸屬於張掖郡的最早紀錄。然而，居延漢簡所見「居延都尉」四字，有許多根本無法反映隸屬關係。當時都尉印章印文字數多為四或五字，前面幾乎不冠郡名，居延漢簡中關於居延都尉郵書的封泥文字紀錄，只見「居延都尉章」，不見「張掖居延都尉章」；印文紀錄以外，文書內容中的「張掖居延都尉」不多，無法找出年代分布上的次序，「居延都尉」又見於各個年代。換言之，漢簡中的都尉名稱前面若冠有郡名，誠屬此郡無疑，但前面沒有冠郡名的都尉名稱，卻不一定是獨立「都尉區」的都尉。是以儘管張文中所舉例子並無錯誤，卻無法依此在簡文中找出規律。再者，居延都尉遲至昭帝始元年間，便已設立。居延新簡E.P.S4.T2:12有「居延甲渠第卅七隧長」，紀年為「始元五年（82 B.C.）八月」，候官部隧前冠上「居延」，當指居延都尉無疑。
However, the evidence presented by Chun-yun is still subject to revision. It appears in Jane 16.10 as "Lieutenant Jandun", the first record of the present-held Yandun soldier in Zhang County. However, the four words "Lieutenant Yandun" in Yanhan Jane's book are not enough to reflect the slave relationship. At that time, they were stamped in more than four or five words, the names of almost no county before them, the names of Captain Yandun's seals in Yandun's postage were written in the name of "Lieutenant 5", and the names of Lieutenant Yandun's letters were written in the name of "Lieutenant", and there was no doubt in the name of "Lieutenant", but the names of the five-Lieutenants were not in the name of "Lieutenant", and the names of the two-Lieutes were not in the order of the ages.
再以居延縣的建置年代來說，有數條材料比張春樹認為的宣帝本始二年到元康二年之間，還要更早。如金關簡73E.J.T21:111載有始元二年（85 B.C.）的居延縣里：
At the time of Yanzhou’s construction, there are a number of materials that are much earlier than Zhang Chunki’s belief that the Emperor was from 2 years to 2 years in Yuankang.
□□候長居延西道里叔□年卅□ 始元二年五月辛未除見
## Long live Uncle Yanxidari ## year old ## May of the 2nd year of birth ##
居延漢簡65.7（勞圖1）是在居延縣製作的「出入六寸符」，紀年為始元七年（80 B.C.）：
Younghan Jane 65.7 (Lutu 1) was produced as a "six-inch in and out" in the county of Yan. The year was seven years old (80 B.C.):
始元七年閏月甲辰居延與金關為出入六寸符券齒百從第一至千左居
Seven years ago, six-inch coupons were moved from one to one thousand left.
官右移金關符合以從事 ?第八
The officer's right-hand transfer matches the 8th.
居延漢簡88.5（勞圖392）有「居延騎士」，紀年為元鳳四年（77 B.C.）：
In Yoonhan Jane 88.5 (Lautu 392), there is a Knight in Yoon, who is four years old (77 B.C.):
居延騎士廣都里李宗坐殺客子楊充元鳳四年正月丁酉亡
Li Jong-ho, who killed his guest, Yang Yuanjun, died four years later.
目前出現「居延縣」的紀年簡，最早見於昭帝始元二年，早於張文推測的宣帝本始二年。
此外，還應考慮到居延縣起初可能屬都尉所轄，後來隨「都尉區」一起併入張掖郡下。是故推估居延縣設立的時間，並不足以知道其與張掖郡的關係。居延前面冠以「張掖」、表明隸屬關係的簡牘，目前所見最早的紀年為宣帝時代。金關簡73E.J.T24:97有「張掖居延界中」，紀年為本始三年（71 B.C.）；金關簡73E.J.T21:1有「馳行傳詣張掖居延」，紀年為元康元年（65 B.C.）。昭帝始元二年到宣帝本始三年，還有十幾年的時間，居延縣隸屬於張掖郡的時間上限是否可提早，有待更多簡牘材料檢證。
In addition, consideration should be given to the fact that Yan County may have been under the jurisdiction of the Governor in the first place, and then joined by the District of the Governor in Zhang County. It is therefore estimated that the time it has been set up in Yan County is not sufficient to know its relationship with Zhang County. It has been crowned with the name "Pang", which indicates the relationship between slaves, and that the earliest years of its existence are an imperial era.
最後可以進一步推論，若居延最初為獨立的軍事區，或統於都尉。《史記．驃騎列傳》記築遮虜鄣的路博德生平：
Finally, it can be further argued that if you live in an autonomous military zone, or if you are a member of the Lieutenant-in-Chief.
將軍路博德，平州人。以右北平太守從驃騎將軍有功，為符離侯。驃騎死後，博德以衞尉為伏波將軍，伐破南越，益封。其後坐法失侯。為彊弩都尉，屯居延，卒。
General Lubod, a member of the Pingzhou people. He was well-placed by General Ping Dynasty on the right. After his death, Bod used Captain Volbo as General, breaking down the South Vietnamese and closing it for good. He lost his seat behind him.
依《漢書．景武昭宣元成功臣表》，路博德於太初元年失侯，太初三年被派遣到居延地區屯治，可能卒於當地。《漢書．李陵傳》載天漢二年李陵「將其步卒五千人出居延」事，當時受命接應李陵的就是路博德。據文獻記載，至少從太初年間「置居延」後，到天漢年間，凡言及居延地區事務皆與路博德有關，築城鄣亭隧，掌管軍事，屯兵田於此。以此看來，路博德很可能是以弩兵部隊長官──彊弩都尉的身分，兼任防衛居延地區的最高指揮官。漢代邊郡多置都尉，處於邊境的居延地區設有居延都尉十分自然，但路博德後來是否成為居延都尉，不可考。如淳注云「或曰置二部都尉」，或許也是回溯推論的結果。
In accordance with the "Hanshu. Xinggwu Xinjin's Table of Success", Lubod was sent to a residential area in the early part of the first year of life, probably for the first three years. Hanson Lee’s two-year tour of Li was carried out to "excercise 5,000 of his footmen" when he was ordered to serve as the highest commanding officer in the secure area. After the beginning of the first year, Lubod was written, at least since the beginning of the early years, to the naturality of the extended residential area in the middle of the year, but whether or not Lubod had become a military officer in charge of Lubod’s land. As far as he is concerned, Lubod is likely to be the chief of the army force, the chief of the Xin Dhuun, acting as the chief of the garrison, acting as the highest commander of the secure residential area.
從以上分析可以推論，不論路博德是否曾任居延都尉，居延地區最初很可能是深具軍事性質的「都尉區」，而非民政的縣。本文以下將使用「都尉區」來指稱由都尉掌管軍民兩政、屬過渡性、獨立性高的特殊區域；後來隸屬於郡的一般部都尉轄區，則以「某都尉防區」稱之，以區別兩者。
From the above analysis, it can be deduced that, regardless of whether or not Lubod has ever been a resident of Yandu, the district of Yan is probably initially a military district, rather than a civil county. The term "Doubun district" will be used here to refer to the special area of military rule, transit, and independence, which is controlled by the dynasty; subsequently, the slave belongs to the general district of the county, which is known as the "territory of a dynasty" and is used as a separate area.
二、西漢張掖郡的都尉
"Strong II, Chief of Staff of Sihan Zhang County"
若居延地區最初的長官是都尉，即有必要對邊郡都尉的性質作一番梳理，並討論張掖郡諸都尉間的關係，有助於進一步確定居延在建置之初，是否為獨立性高的「都尉區」。
If the initial commander of the district was a dynasty, it would be necessary to clarify the nature of the county dynasty and discuss the relationship between the dynasty and the dynasty of Zhang dynasty, which would help to determine further whether the dynasty was an independent “dou d'Air d'Airment” at the beginning of the construction.
嚴耕望和陳夢家等就傳世文獻區分幾種都尉的性質與職能：依〈地理志〉的體例，一個郡若只有一個都尉，大多為內郡，其轄下縣名班固注為「都尉治」的即為「郡都尉」的治所，且該都尉是和郡治異處的「郡都尉」。邊郡則多設置不只一個都尉，數個都尉將該郡劃分為數個防區，增強邊境防禦，是為「部都尉」，亦屬郡級的都尉。陳夢家又認為，一郡有若一個以上的都尉，單稱「都尉」者應是郡都尉，如武威休屠縣本注曰「都尉治熊水障。北部都尉治休屠城」；但張掖郡是個例外，居延縣本注曰「都尉治」，然該都尉為「居延都尉」（部都尉），另有與郡同名的「張掖都尉」才是「郡都尉」。
In the case of a county, where there is only one dynasty, most of which is the county, and where the county's name is the governor, it is the county's governor, and the county's captain is the county's governor, and the county's captain is the county's captain, who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the county, and who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the village, who is the governor of the village, who is the governor of the village, who is the governor of the village, who is the governor of the village, who is the governor of the village, and who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the county, who is the governor of the village.
可以如此理解：一個郡若只有一個都尉，理當與郡同名，故稱為「郡都尉」；而「部」作為一種地理空間區劃的單位，顯示一個郡被劃分為若干「部」──都尉的防區，由數個都尉分別管理，分擔了原本由一個「郡都尉」掌理的職務，這些都尉因而被稱為「部都尉」。因此，「郡都尉」與「部都尉」的稱呼，反映了一個郡的都尉數量。若邊郡有數個都尉，與郡同名者應為「郡都尉」，但「郡都尉」應該也負責該郡的防務，將其視為其中一位「部都尉」亦無不可。又「郡都尉」與「部都尉」在某些時候可統稱為郡尉或尉。
It can be understood that if a county has only one dynasty and is known as a “county” with the same name as the county, and the Ministry, as a unit of geographical spaces, shows that a county is divided into a number of “departments” - the district of the dynasty, which is administered by several dynasty captains, who are also responsible for the duties of a dynasty officer, and who are therefore called the dynasty. Thus, the claims of the dynasty and the dynasty reflect the number of dynasty captains in a county.
都尉主要掌管軍事，「掌佐守典武職甲卒」，根據《漢官舊儀》、《漢舊儀》、《漢官儀》的記載，部都尉「不治民」。然而，嚴耕望已指出邊郡都尉可「分縣治民」，又說「邊疆初郡或但置都尉，不治郡守」。若漢朝起初在居延地區設立「都尉區」，甚至可能轄縣，「都尉治民」的例子當可作為參照。如《三國志．魏書．東夷傳》載濊南的歷史：
However, it has been pointed out that the prefects of the prefects of the prefects of the prefects of the boroughs may “distribute the people” and say, “The prefects of the prefects of the boroughs or the prefects of the prefects of the boroughs do not rule the boroughs.” If he had originally set up the `Dou region' in the shantytowns of the shantytowns, it might even be possible to take the example of the `Dou captains rule the people of the dynasty'.
漢武帝伐滅朝鮮，分其地為四郡。……自單單大山領以西屬樂浪，自領以東七縣，都尉主之，皆以濊為民。後省都尉，封其渠帥為侯，今不耐濊皆其種也。
Han Wuty destroyed Korea, divided into four counties.... From the west of a single mountain, and from the east, seven counties, all the captains of the seven prefectures are the people. Then the governor of the province, who sealed his canals, has no patience.
就「自單單大山領以西屬樂浪，自領以東七縣，都尉主之」這段話的語意來說，單單大山領以西是屬樂浪郡（太守）管轄，領以東七縣則為都尉（應為東部都尉）管轄。
In the language of the phrase "to the west of the mountain, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the east, to the west, to the west, to the west, to the east.
周振鶴則提到武帝定西夷後設蜀郡，下轄十幾個縣和一個都尉，這個都尉後來又發展成越嶲郡和沈黎郡。沈黎郡廢後成了蜀郡的西部都尉。蜀郡又有北部都尉，後來成為汶山郡，廢後又恢復為北部都尉。周振鶴揭示「都尉治民」的特性：
Zhou Zhenwu also referred to Wu Diming's behind-the-sheng county, where he ruled more than a dozen counties and a sub-county, which later turned into Viet Nam County and Shenli County. Shen Lil County became the western captain of Sheng County. Sheng County also became the northern lieutenant, and then Mansan County, and was restored to the north. Zhou Zhenwu revealed the character of "Captain Dynasty of the People":
在邊境和內地某些地區都尉又往往和太守分疆而治，單獨管理一部分地域的軍民兩政，這部分地域也稱作都尉，成為一種實際上的政區。……部都尉之設，還往往是置郡的先聲，或是廢郡以後的歸宿。
At the border and in some parts of the interior, captains tend to rule with over-the-ground military and civilian regimes that manage a part of the territory on their own, also known as the dynasty, and become a de facto political district.... In the case of the dynasty, it is often the first call of the county, or the place of residence after the defunct county.
楊鴻年也說：
He also said:
某一地區，設郡有困難，不設又不好，於是就將該地附於某郡，設一某部都尉。從而這一都尉轄區，就與所附著的郡，形成了一種若即若離、半獨立半附著的特殊現象。
In one district, the construction county was difficult and not well equipped, and it was attached to a county, with a captain. From then on, the district was attached to the county, creating a special phenomenon of separation and partial independence.
上述提到幾個「都尉治民」的特殊例子，這些地區皆為少數民族故地，以郡守與都尉分別管理不同的部族，由此可知都尉轄區與郡之間的關係，及政區的重劃。居延地區的變化過去則未見記載。以下將細究張掖郡諸都尉的性質與變化，作為居延地區起初是獨立性高的「都尉區」的證據。
The above-mentioned special examples of the "Dou d'Etat rulers" are the few ethnic groups that run different clans according to the division of county guards and lieutenants, so that the relationship between the district and county, as well as the reprogramming of the district, is known. The changes in the district have not been recorded in the past. The following is a detailed description of the character and transformation of the county dynasty, as evidence of the original independence of the district.
〈地理志〉張掖郡轄下的三個縣，班固注明為都尉治所：日勒縣「都尉治澤索谷」，番和縣「農都尉治」，居延縣「居延澤在東北，古文以為流沙。都尉治」。居延漢簡中所見張掖郡的都尉，一為最北邊的居延都尉，一為居延南邊的肩水都尉，還有資料較少的張掖都尉、張掖屬國都尉，以及與屯田相關、屬另一系統的農都尉。排除屬國都尉和農都尉，張掖郡轄下，可以確定是「部都尉」的有居延和肩水兩都尉。
The three counties under the jurisdiction of the Canton of Zhang Zhijing are named as the Dynasty: "Lieutenant Dou" in Shilese County, "Lieutenant dynasty" in Yuen County, "Yenzek is in the northeast, and Guwensa is considered to be a dynasty." The Dynasty of Yancheng, one of the northernmost, and one of the shoulder-dwellers on the south side, and, to a lesser extent, Zhang Dhu, Zhang Dynasty, and one of the farmers in the other system. The exclusion of the dynasty and the dynasty of Zhang Dynasty, under the jurisdiction of the county of Zhang Dynasty, is determined to be both the dynasty and the dynasty of the Dynasty.
問題在於〈地理志〉中「治日勒澤索谷」的都尉和簡文中的「張掖都尉」是哪種都尉？再者，《漢書．匈奴傳》載成帝時，遣夏侯藩說單于：
The question is, what kind of dynasty is Captain Zhang of the "Girl Zesso Valley" and "Lieutenant Zhang" in Jane?
竊見匈奴斗入漢地，直張掖郡。漢三都尉居塞上，士卒數百人寒苦，候望久勞。單于宜上書獻此地，直斷閼之，省兩都尉士卒數百人，以復天子厚恩，其報必大。
And when the Huns had taken refuge in Han Dynasty, they went straight to the county. And the three-dividing officers of Han Dhu, who had lived in Sec, were many hundreds of men, waiting for a long time. And only if they had given their lives in writing, they would have paid hundreds of men in the province, in order to be blessed by the sky.
此「三都尉」又是指哪三個都尉？討論上述問題時，關於屬國都尉的記載是重要的參考，《續漢書．郡國志》載：
What kind of trinity is this? When discussing the above-mentioned issue, it is important to refer to the fact that it belongs to the duke.
張掖屬國：武帝置屬國都尉以主蠻夷降者，安帝時別領五城。
Zhang belongs to the Kingdom: the Warlord, who razed his Lord with barbarous force, led the five cities of Angry.
張掖居延屬國：故郡都尉，安帝時別領一郡（城）。
Zhang is a resident of the country: so Lieutenant of the county, who leads a county (city) when the Emperor is present.
這提供一個線索：郡都尉（治）後來可能被改為屬國都尉（治），而此處的「郡都尉」所指為何？陳夢家最先根據簡牘材料對上述問題提出解釋，日本學者市川任三、德國學者紀安諾則接續討論，裘錫圭在討論屯田問題時，亦有論及。
This provides a clue as to why the shifu dynasty may later be transformed into a shifu dynasty. The Chen Dynasty first explained the issue on the basis of the brief material, while the Japanese scholar Kenzo Arikawa and the German scholar Jano continued to discuss it, and Jozig was able to discuss the issue in the field.
陳夢家根據居延漢簡54.25、74.4、103.17（勞圖69、26、135）的郵書傳遞內容，斷定張掖都尉的位置在南部，應該就是治於日勒縣澤索谷的「郡都尉」。此外，他反對陳直將居延都尉等同於屬國都尉的觀點，因為居延漢簡裡有「張掖都尉」，也有「張掖居延都尉」和「居延屬國都尉」（按：應斷句為「居延、屬國」，詳下），可見三者不同。王先謙《漢書補注》注「三都尉」為居延、日勒、番和農都尉，陳夢家卻認為「三都尉」應去掉農都尉，改為肩水都尉。
The Chen Dynasty, based on correspondence from Yanhan Jane, 74.25, 74.4, 103.17 (Lutu 69, 26, 135), determined that the location of the Chief Executive was in the south, which is supposed to be the "Captain of the County" in the Jasso Valley in Shilese County. Moreover, he objected to the view of the Lieutenant General Chen, who had the same status as his Chief of State, because there was "Lieutenant Zhang" and "Lieutenant of the Kingdom" and "Lieutenant of the Yangtze" and "Lieutenant of the Kingdom" (under the following terms: "Lieutenant of the Kingdom" and "Little of the Nation") were different.
陳夢家對張掖居延屬國的理解，影響到他對上述問題的判斷。《續漢書．郡國志》並沒有記載張掖居延屬國是西漢時設置的，但出土於A33地灣遺址（學界認為是肩水候官所在）的簡65.18（勞圖26）：
The Chen Dynasty’s understanding of Zhang’s stay in China has influenced his assessment of the issue.
[史]大夫廣明下丞相承書從事下當用者如詔書=到言
[History] Dr. Guangming made a promise.
□=郡太守諸侯相承書從事下當用者如詔書=到明白布[告]
## == sync, corrected by elderman == @elder_man
到令□□□數以其□□□如詔書律令書到言∕丞相史
## Counting it by its ## ## as the book of the Lord to the Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Queen's Order ##
□下領武校居延屬國部農都尉縣官承書□
## The head of the martial arts school belongs to the Governor of the State Ministry of Agriculture ##
其中的「居延屬國部農都尉」，還有簡216.1（勞圖15）出現的「史告居延屬國部」殘文，陳夢家皆理解為「居延屬國（都尉）」、「部（都尉）」、「農都尉」等幾種不同的都尉。簡65.18的「[史]大夫廣明」應為昭、宣時期擔任「御史大夫」的「田廣明」，根據《漢書．百官公卿表》可知該簡的年代在昭帝元平元年（74 B.C.）到宣帝本始二年之間。陳夢家以此為西漢時已有「張掖居延屬國」都尉的證據，認定西漢時有治日勒的張掖都尉，也有張掖居延屬國都尉，等於否定張掖居延屬國都尉是「故郡都尉」的看法。《漢書．匈奴傳》載昭帝時，匈奴「入日勒、屋蘭、番和，張掖太守、屬國都尉發兵擊，大破之，得脫者數百人」，他也認為此處的屬國指張掖屬國和張掖居延屬國。
On the other hand, according to the book "Handor B.C.", Chen's family understood that he lived in the Kingdom between the first two years of the founding year of the Emperor (74 B.C.) and the second year of the Emperor's term of office. As a result, the family had evidence of the "Handan dynasty" in Sihan, and recognized that he had taken control of the city, and that he had taken control of the country, and that he had taken over the country, and that he had taken over the country, and that he had taken over the country's territory, and that he had taken over the country's territory.
然而，陳夢家對簡65.18的解釋，受到市川任三、紀安諾和裘錫圭等人的質疑，三位學者皆反對西漢已有張掖居延屬國的說法。市川任三最早指出陳夢家對簡65.18簡文斷句的錯誤，並認為「三都尉」未必都是部都尉，屬國都尉亦分擔郡的軍事任務，其防區當在張掖郡南部。他舉《漢書．趙充國傳》「武威縣、張掖日勒皆當北塞」等例子，說明日勒在戰略上的重要地位，判斷「三都尉」應包含治日勒「澤索谷」的「屬國都尉」，且該都尉是張掖屬國都尉，而非張掖居延屬國都尉，簡65.18的「居延屬國」應該斷開為「居延、（張掖）屬國」，並推論居延漢簡中配置在居延和肩水地區的「屬國胡騎」，應是「治日勒的張掖屬國都尉」派駐當地協助防禦的部隊。裘錫圭除了同意市川任三的斷句外，也認為沒有居延農都尉，且這份詔書是從中央傳到張掖郡內各級單位，不僅只是傳到居延地區，因此簡65.18才會在肩水候官出土。
However, the Chen Dynasty’s explanation of Jane 65.18 was questioned by the city’s triads, Kiyano, and Chusingu, among others, and all three scholars were opposed to Sihan’s claim that he was a resident of the country. The city’s triads first pointed to Chen’s error of the sentence of Jane 65.18 and argued that the “Ten Dynasty” was not necessarily a dynasty, and that it was not a dynasty, not a dynasty, but south of Zhang Dynasty, and that the ‘Ten dynasty’s name, “Wu Weiwei, Zhang Dynasty is a north-wester,’ and said that the “Ten Dynasty” had an important position in the middle of the war.
〈地理志〉記都尉治有兩種筆法，一是直接記某縣為某都尉治，如夜郎「都尉治」、臨洮「南部都尉治」、三水「屬國都尉治」；二是在某縣下注記某都尉治於某地、某障，如休屠「都尉治熊水障」、休屠「北部都尉治休屠城」、勇士「屬國都尉治滿福」、豲道「騎都尉治密艾亭」等。對照這兩種筆法，可知只記載「某都尉治」者，治所理當在縣城內。而從「都尉治澤索谷」的筆法，無法判斷該都尉的性質。值得注意的是，《玉海》載：
There are two types of pens that are written by the Secretary of State, namely, the State of Kuro, the State of the South, the State of the South, the State of the South, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the North, the State of the North, the City of the North, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the South, the State of the South, the State of the South, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the West, the State of the North, the State of the North, the State of the North, the State of the West.
張掖屬國其都尉治日勒。
This post is part of our special coverage Egypt Protests 2011.
從《漢書》其他地方的紀錄可知，〈地理志〉對屬國的記載並不完整，日勒的都尉如市川任三所言為屬國都尉，不無可能，卻未可盡信。
From the records elsewhere in the Han Book, it is known that "geographicalism" is not complete for the nation, and that the Chief of Staff of the city, as he said, is a lieutenant of the country, not impossible, but unconvinced.
又市川任三主張張掖都尉就是肩水都尉，故簡牘文書中紀錄不多，並認為簡74.4的「張掖都尉章」是「張掖肩水都尉」在印文中的省略，紀安諾已指出其錯誤。出土於肩水候官（A33地灣遺址）的簡74.4：
In response to the lack of record in Jane's book, he argues that Jane's "Lieutenant Zhang" is the omission of "Lieutenant Zhang" in the Indo-language version, which was pointed out by Juano.
張掖都尉章
Captain Zhang Jingdu.
肩水候以郵行
I'll be waiting for you in the mail line.
九月庚午府卒孫意以來
I'm sorry, I've been here for a long time.
府卒也許是指張掖都尉府的卒，但也可能是指肩水候官上級的肩水都尉府的卒，由此判斷張掖都尉與肩水地區的遠近、推測其是否為治日勒的都尉，並不妥當。更有甚者，據金關簡73E.J.T24:26簡文中有「其三封張掖都尉章詣肩水橐他廣地候」、「一封肩水都尉詣廣地候官」，證明兩者曾同時存在，市川任三認為肩水都尉承襲自張掖都尉的說法不能成立。
The pawn may be the pawn of Captain Zhang, but he may also be the pawn of the shoulder-dwelling officer-in-charge of the shoulder-dwelling officer-in-charge, and it would be inappropriate to judge the proximity of Captain Zhang and the shoulder-dwelling area and to deduce whether he is a dutiful dynasty. Moreover, according to Kim Dynasty 73E.J.T24:26, there are "three of them" and "a shoulder-dwelling officer-in-charge", proving that they were present at the same time, and that neither of them could be justified by the fact that neither of them was responsible for the attack of Captain Zhang Dyu.
綜合來說，邊郡的「郡都尉」和「部都尉」共同劃分該郡的防區；而「郡都尉」一般與郡名相同，「張掖都尉」很可能是元鼎六年左右張掖立郡時設立的，也似乎表示張掖郡在某段時間可能只有一個郡級的都尉。西漢張掖郡的都尉中，扣除番和農都尉，可能共同劃分防區的至少有四個：居延和肩水兩個部都尉、張掖都尉（郡都尉，後來可能改為張掖居延屬國都尉）、張掖屬國都尉。後兩者中，有一可能是〈地理志〉中治「日勒澤索谷」的都尉，也可能都不是。從簡牘材料和考古成果可知，弱水流域下游為居延都尉的防區，再往上游則為肩水都尉的防區，兩者沿著弱水河道構成向北凸出的防線。張掖都尉和張掖屬國都尉，很有可能共同劃分張掖南部的防區（參見圖七），但孰治「日勒澤索谷」則尚難論斷，《玉海》屬國都尉的說法不無疑問，而以〈地理志〉的筆法，未名都尉稱呼，確有可能是「郡都尉」。
On the other hand, it is likely that one of the two captains of the county may have only one of them for a certain period of time. It is possible that there are at least four of the captains of the county, the captain of the county, and the captain of the county, who may have jointly divided the zone: the captain of the prefecture and the shoulder, Captain Zhang (the captain of the county, who may later have become the captain of the county), the captain of the county, who may have been set up for about six years, and the captain of the county. One of the second captains of the district may have only one of the captains of the district at some point in time.
以此看來，張掖郡的都尉，當不只成帝時所謂的「三都尉」，若定要猜測「三都尉」所指為何，或可排除張掖屬國都尉，畢竟居延、肩水、張掖三都尉在性質上，較屬國都尉更接近，更可能並稱。張掖郡歷來建置的都尉，比傳世文獻所見更多，以傳世文獻印證出土簡牘，必須更為謹慎。
Thus, Captain Zhang, a so-called "Death Captain" who was more than an emperor, may exclude Captain Zhang from his residence, shoulder water, and 3rd of his possession, after all, being closer to and more likely to be called the Chief of Staff. He is more likely to be built than he has seen in the literature, and must be more cautious if he is to be dedicated in the scriptures.
最關鍵的是，學者們已指出簡65.18的斷句應改為「領武校居延、屬國、部、農都尉」，但該如何解釋居延都尉獨立列出、不包含在部都尉裡的情況？上文已指出簡65.18的年代在昭帝元平元年到宣帝本始二年之間，居延地區納入張掖郡轄下的時間，目前所見最早為宣帝本始三年，晚於該簡的紀年。簡文中的居延都尉作為專名與其他都尉並列，其獨立性與特殊性十分明顯，為「居延」在昭、宣之際仍是深具獨立性的「都尉區」的重要證據。該文書內容雖然殘缺，但仍可知是關於漢廷的命令透過張掖郡太守下達給諸都尉和諸縣的紀錄。其中，漢廷下給「居延都尉區」的命令，仍由張掖太守負責傳達。從《漢書．食貨志》中「居延城」與邊郡並列的記載來看，很可能此時的居延地區仍獨立於張掖郡外，上面沒有郡守一級的長官，在中央命令下達的過程中，由臨近的張掖郡統一傳送，亦在情理之內。
Most importantly, scholars have pointed out that the sentence of Jane 65.18 should be changed to "Capt. Yan, who belongs to the State, the Ministry, the Ministry, and the Farmers," but how should it be explained that Captain Yindu's exclusive listing, which is not included in the rank and file? As noted above, 65.18 was an important piece of evidence of the "Dou Dynasty" that was unique between the first two years in the first millennium and the beginning of the Emperor's life. Although the book is lacking, it is known that the order of Hantin was observed three years after the beginning and later in the first three years after the beginning of the term.
類似的例子還有簡216.1，其中的殘文「史告居延屬國部」，「居延」（都尉）亦有別於「部」（都尉）。該簡無紀年，但216包號下十餘枚簡中，簡216.3和216.7有紀年，分別為昭帝元鳳六年和始元六年，恰好早於宣帝本始三年，同一包號下的簡216.1年代或許也較早。
An example of this is Jane 216.1, whose cruel words, "History is a part of the Ministry" and "Lieutenant" are different from "Lieutenant" (Lieutenant). This is an incorruptible year, but of the ten remaining shorts of the 216 packages, 216.3 and 216.7 are older than the six-year and six-year-olds, which coincide with the three-year anniversary of the proclamation of the Emperor, and probably the first 216.1 years of the same package.
進一步對照著名的宣帝「元康五年詔書」，命令同樣是從御史大夫下丞相，一路傳送到張掖郡，詔書中的簡10.32（勞圖28）與簡65.18文句格式非常相似，「承書從事」者卻稍有不同，變成「屬國、農、部都尉、小府、縣官」。此時居延地區已經隸屬於張掖郡，行文時已將「居延」都尉併入其他部都尉裡，不再獨立列出，可印證上述的推論。元康五年，也正好是張春樹認為能說明隸屬關係的簡16.10「張掖居延都尉」的可能年代。金關簡73E.J.T30:205有「張掖農屬國部都尉官縣承書從事」無紀年殘文，亦可為參照。
In the same way, the order was sent to Zhang County from the capital's Prime Minister, where Jane 10.32 (Lautu 28) is very similar to the text 65.18, but where the author is slightly different, he became a “national, agricultural, provincial, provincial, county officer.” At that time, the Yank district was already under the jurisdiction of Zhang County, where the order was to be transferred to the other prefectures without being singled out. The five-year period was also a time when Zhang Junkang thought it was 16.10 “Lieutenant Yandu” who could describe the relationship between slaves.
最後需進一步指出的是，本文獨立「都尉區」的概念其實並未限定它是由部都尉管理，也就是說「居延都尉區」的長官不一定是居延都尉。最初彊弩都尉路博德屯防居延地區，是一種任務性、隨漢朝擴張需要所採取的措施，彊弩都尉也並非常置的部都尉。簡65.18「領武校居延」的稱呼似乎也有某種任務性的意味。以此觀之，從太初三年路博德派駐居延地區，到昭帝時已設置有居延都尉，居延地區的長官已經從臨時性的部隊長官，逐漸演變為常設的部都尉。居延地區納入張掖郡的過程，也反映在長官性質的變化上。
Finally, it should be pointed out that the concept of an independent "duke" does not in fact qualify it to be administered by a minister, that is to say, the commander of the "dukeship" is not necessarily a resident of Yandu. First, Ljubodun was a missionary measure that was needed to protect the extended area of Lubodton, which was gradually transformed into a permanent department. Jane 65.18’s “extension of martial arts schools” also seemed to be mission-oriented.
此外，居延最初作為深具獨立性的「都尉區」，似有別於樂浪郡和蜀郡等例中的幾個都尉轄區。樂浪郡和蜀郡下的都尉雖治民，但名義上仍隸屬於郡太守；居延地區則遲至昭宣之際，仍很可能獨立於張掖郡外。「居延都尉區」既然不隸屬於郡，是否直轄於漢廷呢？惜單憑目前的材料，尚無法清楚探究獨立「都尉區」與漢廷之間的關係與互動情形。
In addition, the Prefectural District, which was originally an independent district, appears to be different from several of the Prefectural Districts, such as the Prefectural Districts of Lei Weiwei and Xing County. The Prefects of the Prefectural County and the Prefectural County, who ruled over the people, are still well-known; the Prefectural District is likely to remain separate from Zhang Jian County when it is too late to be declared.
三、「居延城」與「遮虜鄣」
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從上述推論可知，「置居延」未必指立縣，「居延城」起初恐怕不是指縣城，而是邊境軍事區的中心。「城」的多重意涵則反映了其功能的多樣性與在軍政區劃上的變遷。
From these assumptions, it is clear that “residence” does not necessarily refer to a county, and that “residentship” was initially not intended to refer to a county but to the centre of the border military zone. The multiplicity of meanings of “city” reflects the multiplicity of functions and changes in the military hierarchy.
《漢書．地理志》中，「城」多為「縣城」之意，如朔方郡的三封縣為「武帝元狩三年城」、臨戎縣為「武帝元朔五年城」。且《漢書．地理志》為「縣」者，在《續漢書．郡國志》則名「城」。「城」在簡文中與都尉府有關，在傳世文獻中卻常為縣城的代稱，實為一座城池作為軍政要地的不同面向。都尉府作為地方軍事的重心，必設置於交通和戰略要處，後來自然演變為縣城；或是邊區情勢穩定後，都尉府遷至較後方的縣城，皆有可能。尾形勇認為漢代新疆域的開拓是：
The city is often called the "county" in Hanson's "George," as the three states of Schofang County are known as "the city of Wujing for three years" and "the city of Wujing for five years" in the case of Hanson's "George" and "the city" in the case of "Hunshu. The city is associated with the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the province of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the city of the capital of the capital of the capital of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Democratic Republic of the Republic of the Republic of the Democratic Republic of the Republic of the Democratic Republic of the Republic of the Democratic
先建築一兩個城，劃出一定的區域置郡，然後在郡內陸續修築新城，進行屯田，設置新縣。
Construction of a city or two, drawing up a certain area of the county, was followed by the construction of a new city in the county, the development of a field and the installation of a new county.
其說可謂觀察入微。但置郡並非一蹴可及，漢軍最早興築的城及其控制範圍，就是所謂的軍事區（可能為某「都尉區」）。設置軍事區每每是建郡立縣的前期階段。
But the county is not a short time, and the first city built by the Han army and its limits of control is the so-called military zone (possibly a "diploma" zone). Every military zone is in the pre-establishment phase of a county.
「休屠」就是一個例子，該地區與居延地區很類似，〈地理志〉載武威郡為休屠王故地，休屠城北方也有休屠澤（豬壄澤）。前面已經提到，武威郡在武帝時應該還沒設立，太初三年「益發戍甲卒十八萬酒泉、張掖北，置居延、休屠以衞酒泉。」從先有休屠城後有武威郡，且〈地理志〉本注又言「北部都尉治休屠城」的情況來看，休屠很可能最初也是都尉管理的軍事區，為獨立於郡外的「都尉區」。
As mentioned earlier, Wuwei County should not have been set up when the Emperor was present in Wuwei, and it should have been set up in the early three years to "promoted 180,000 wines, Zhang Qin north, settled and slaughtered for the sake of wine". From the beginning of the city, there was Wuwei County, and from the point of view of the note "Norwes has ruled the city", it is likely that the massacre was initially also a military area administered by the Chiefs, which is a separate area of the Districts.
「居延城」與最初所築的遮虜鄣的關係，在此也有必要進一步說明。勞榦認為漢代「居延城」即今日黑城遺址，遮虜鄣在「居延城」內。觀今日居延地區的遺址，大的城中可能有鄣，也可能一座鄣作為獨立的防禦工事。然而，文獻中的「居延」當泛指居延地區，非單指「居延城」本身。路博德所築，應不只「居延城」和遮虜鄣而已。匈奴騎兵行蹤飄忽不定，得在一定範圍內大量築亭鄣，構成防線以候望敵蹤，若單靠一兩個城池，是無法偵知匈奴蹤跡的，防禦效果也有限。從今日居延地區的烽隧遺址推測，「置居延」、「築居延」、「築居延澤上」應指修築相連成排的烽隧線，以保衛居延地區，遮虜鄣可能是其中較大、較重要的城鄣。因此，雖然〈地理志〉師古注「路博德築遮虜障於居延城」，但遮虜鄣可能不在「居延城」內，且特地派路博德到「居延城」內築鄣並另外命名之，史書還特加記載，並不易解釋。
It is also necessary to elaborate on the relationship between the city of Yan and the cover that was originally built. Raúl believes that the site of the city of Yan, which is the site of today’s Black City, is covered by the site of the city of Yan. Looking at the site of the region today, there may be a large city, or a large city, which may be an isolated defense. However, if one or two ponds are not able to detect the location of the city, the protection of the city is limited. From the site of the city today, it is not simply the city of Yan itself. The building of the city of Lubote should not be limited to the site of the city of Yan, but not only to the site of the city itself.
《漢書．李陵傳》師古注曰：「鄣者，塞上險要之處，往往修築，別置候望之人，所以自鄣蔽而伺敵也。」據《漢書．地理志》，鄣常為都尉治所，如武威「都尉治熊水障」、酒泉「東部都尉治東部障」、「西部都尉治西部障」、敦煌「宜禾都尉治昆侖障」。都尉治所亦有在「城」者，如武威「北部都尉治休屠城」。又漢簡中「鄣候」為候官長官「候」的別稱，「鄣」可視為「候」的治所，可見都尉治所未必就在較小的鄣，且前面提過簡文中的「城」反為都尉所在。或可推測，某些邊郡都尉起初駐守邊塞險要之處，當防禦體系完備後，可能移防較後方的「城」。本文第一章論及居延縣治或居延都尉治可能曾經遷移，太初年間居延地區的烽隧線尚在建置，都尉為了防禦匈奴駐守最前線的鄣──或許就是遮虜鄣，後來才移駐「居延城」，這種情況不無可能。
According to "Hanhu Li Mae", the Governor of the capital also has "the city" such as Wu Wei, "the town of the north of the country" and "the town of the north of the country", which is known as "the city of the city" as the "the city of the capital" and may be regarded as a "the city of the city" by Wu Wei, "the city of the capital of the capital" as not necessarily a small city, but the city of the west as the capital of the capital of the capital and the city of the capital of the capital as the city of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the capital of the north of the country.
《漢書．李陵傳》載天漢二年，李陵願自率一軍「以少擊眾，步兵五千人涉單于庭」，武帝下詔「以九月發，出遮虜鄣」。後來李陵軍兵士多死傷、箭矢幾用盡：
In the second year of Han Hae-hyun's work, Li has volunteered to fight with a small number of men and 5,000 infantry soldiers in the courthouse, and Wu-yeung's "September release, covering up" is followed by the death and injury of Li's soldiers and the use of arrows:
（李陵）令軍士人持二升糒，一半冰，期至遮虜鄣者相待。夜半時，擊鼓起士，鼓不鳴。陵與韓延年俱上馬，壯士從者十餘人。虜騎數千追之，韓延年戰死。陵曰：「無面目報陛下！」遂降。軍人分散，脫至塞者四百餘人。
(Li Mahal) raised the soldiers' mouths twice, and half of the ice remained between them. At night and a half, the drumming of the musicians kept them silent. The mausoleum came to the horse every year, and there were more than 10 strong men. In many thousands of pursuits, the Koreans died in battle. He said: "No face, Your Majesty!" fell down. The soldiers were scattered, displacing to more than four hundred of the Qats.
李陵將敗與兵士「期至遮虜鄣相待」，出兵地點亦為遮虜鄣，可見遮虜鄣當為居延前線的重要軍事據點，李陵出兵前，武帝「詔彊弩都尉路博德將兵半道迎陵軍」，路博德可能駐防於此，而非「居延城」。另外，居延漢簡中的「塞」當指城牆亭鄣所構成的「防區」，簡牘中「甲渠塞」、「殄北塞」等稱呼，指的是甲渠候、殄北候管轄的防區。「五千人出居延」亦指出居延防線北擊匈奴之意。故引文末所言「脫至塞者四百餘人」，應作脫逃至漢軍的防區內理解，而非如勞榦或張春樹所言逃入遮虜鄣此一建築內。
Li will be defeated by the soldiers, and the location of the soldiers will be masked as an important military point in the front line. Before Li is taken out, Wudi "Lu Bod will be part of the army" and Lubod may be protected, rather than in the city of Yeon. Moreover, the word "Se" in Yanhanjan is used to refer to the "zone" built by the walls of the city, which is described as a "defensible area" in the plains as being called "deposit" and "defensible" in the plains, which refers to the area of defence of the Khans, which is covered by "declare" and "provement" in the north.
又勞榦注意到居延漢簡401.7B有「遮虜候」（勞圖104），史書中又有遮虜鄣，推測有遮虜候官。惜原簡字跡漫漶，圖版亦不清楚。居延漢簡145.32有「左遮虜候」（勞圖166），然「候」字可能是「東」的誤釋。因相關資料極少，是否有「遮虜候官」尚難斷定。簡文幾乎不見「遮虜候」，或許是因為後來「遮虜」的名稱，被改成與所屬都尉相同的「居延」。居延漢簡中有「居延庶（遮）虜里」、「居延庶（遮）虜倉」、「遮虜置」、「遮虜田舍」、「遮虜河」等與「遮虜」相關的內容，可能與最初建置的遮虜鄣有關。依上述所言，若都尉起初在遮虜鄣，後來建置候官，都尉改駐後方「居延城」，將治所在遮虜鄣的候官改名為「居延候官」，頗為合理。候官與都尉治若在同一處，恐造成防禦工作的重疊與人力的浪費，且「候官」名稱應取其候望敵情之意，當位於邊界要處，不會在逐漸發展成居延地區核心的「居延城」。以今日烽隧遺址反映的邊境布署，肩水都尉和肩水候官別置的情況亦可為證。不過這只是個人的推測，未有直接證據，也可能遮虜候官與居延候官並沒有承續的關係，且簡牘文書中「居延候官」的資料極少，該單位存在的時間可能不長。
In addition, it is unclear whether Yanhan Jane 401.7B has a "shadow" (Lautu 104) or a "shadow" in the history book. It is not clear that the original word is written in the original form. In Yanhan Jane, there is a "left cover" (Lautu 166), the word "waiting" may be a misunderstanding of the "East" because there is very little information on it, whether there is a "shield" or a "shield" or a "shield", perhaps because the name of the "shield" has been changed to the same name as that of the owner. In response to the above-mentioned statement, there is no "hiding" or "hudling" in the Yanhanjane, and the "huding" of the "hub" and the "buddling" and the "buldling" of the commanding officers, and the "buldling" and the "buldling" of the commanding officers, and the "deepling of the water" may be used to keep the distance from the original positions.
綜合言之，依〈地理志〉記載，在某段時期「居延城」就是縣城，就是居延都尉府所在，三者實指一處；簡牘材料顯示居延縣城與居延都尉府異處，應代表不同時期的情況，當與漢匈情勢和疆界變化有關。「居延城」與「休屠城」最初作為邊境軍事區的指揮中心，後來成為縣治所在，皆反映城池功能及其軍政區劃上的變動。以此觀之，張春樹認為「有『縣』，絕無言『城』之理」的說法，應當修正。有城者未必是縣，為縣者當有城，必須考量到「城」的多重角色與職能。
Together, according to the " Geography ", the city of Yan is, at some point, the city of Yandu, which is the capital of Yandu, one of which is one of three; and the material showing the difference between the city of Yan and that of Yandu, which represents a different period of time when it is related to the situation of Han and Hungary and to the evolution of borders. The city of Yan and the city of Cemetery were originally used as centres of command in the border military area, and then became the governor of the county, reflecting a shift in the functioning of the city pool and its military district.
四、小結：再談漢代弱水河道
綜上所述，可概略瞭解居延地區的發展與張掖郡疆界變化之間的關係。從武帝元鼎六年張掖立郡，到太初三年「置居延」，張掖郡轄區範圍逐漸向北拓展，再到昭、宣之際將居延地區納入轄下，其郡界大致底定。「居延」相關記事年表，詳見表三。
The relationship between the development of the settlement area and the transformation of the border between Zhang Qing County can be seen in general terms. From the first six years of the Wu Emperor's life, the first three years of its existence have seen the extension of the jurisdiction of Zhang Qi County to the north, and the extension of the territory under the jurisdiction of the Tung Dynasty to the bottom of its county boundaries.
表三「居延」建置變化相關記事
Table III "Advanced" construction-related memoirs
武帝元狩二年（121 B.C.） 2 years of martial arts (121 B.C.) |
「霍去病涉鈞耆，濟居延，遂臻小月氏，攻祁連山，揚武乎觻得。」此處的「居延」，當指今日的張掖市一帶，非後來的居延澤一帶。 “Hu’an (Hu’ab) is sick and sick, and has given refuge to him, and he is young, and has fought against the mountains, and has raised up his might.” And this is the town of Zhang’s city today, and it is not the neighbourhood of Yazawa. |
武帝元鼎六年（111 B.C.） Six years of martial arts (111 B.C.) |
張掖立郡。 Zhang Jingli County. |
武帝元封年間（110-105 B.C.） Year of martial arts (110-105 B.C.) |
「李陵將八百騎，深入匈奴二千餘里，過居延視地形，不見虜，還。」此時的「居延」當指居延澤一帶，但仍在漢朝疆域、張掖郡界之外。 "Li Mahe will ride 800 miles deep into the Huns for more than 2,000 years, over-dwelling into the topography, disappearing from the topography, and still living in the area of Yanze but still outside the Han Dynasty and Zhang Dynasty." |
武帝太初三年（102 B.C.） In the first three years of Wu dynasty (102 B.C.) |
「益發戍甲卒十八萬酒泉、張掖北，置居延、休屠以衛酒泉。」「彊弩都尉路博德築居延澤上。」居延地區納入漢朝的版圖，但應不屬於張掖郡管轄。 "I'll give you 180,000 wine springs, and Zhang north, and I'll put them to rest, and I'll slaughter them." "Lou Bod was built on Yanze." "I'll take a map of the Han Dynasty in the Yank district, but it's not under the jurisdiction of Zhang County. |
武帝末年 The last year of Wudang. （征和四年，89 B.C.） (According to four years, 89 B.C.) |
「以趙過為搜粟都尉。過能為代田，一畮三甽。……令命家田三輔公田，又教邊郡及居延城。」武帝末年，居延地區尚與其他邊郡並列，仍不屬於張掖郡。 "Search Zhao as a search for Yudun. It is a land of three and a land of three, and it is a land of three and a land of three, and it is ordered to be a land of three provinces, and to teach the counties and the city of Yan." In the last year, the Yangtze district was joined by other counties, but it is still not one of Zhang's counties. |
昭帝始元年間（86-80 B.C.） In the early years of Zhao Emperor (86-80 B.C.) |
遲至此時，已置居延都尉（五年）和居延縣（二年）。 By that time, Captain Yandu (five years) and Yan county (two years) had been occupied. |
昭帝元平元年至宣帝本始二年間（74-72 B.C.） In the two years between U.S.H.I.E.K. and the beginning of the Emperor (74-72 B.C.) |
居延漢簡65.18證明此時的居延都尉，仍不屬張掖諸部都尉之列。居延地區可能仍獨立於張掖郡外（尚無證據顯示居延縣此時已屬張掖郡）。 Jianhan Jang's 65.18 proves that he is still not a member of the Lt. Zhang. |
宣帝本始三年至元康五年間（71-61 B.C.） From the beginning of the Emperor's life to the fifth year of Yuankang (71-61 B.C.) |
此時居延都尉（元康五年）與居延縣（本始三年）已隸屬張掖郡，張掖郡界拓展至更北的居延澤周邊區域。 At that time, Captain Yandu (Juankang V) and Yan County (three years from now) had been held in Zhang Jian County, where the border had been extended to a further north border area of Yanze. |
還可以再說明一點，從表三可知，居延都尉在簡牘文書中目前最早出現的年代，及其隸屬於張掖郡的年代，較之居延縣皆稍晚。但未能依此斷定居延都尉的建置時間和納入張掖郡的時間，晚於居延縣。以「都尉區」可能轄縣治民的例子來說，反倒是居延都尉稍早於居延縣或兩者同時較為合理，只是簡牘材料中目前沒有發現關於居延都尉較早的年代而已。且居延都尉和居延縣在建置與隸屬產生變化的時間相近，居延都尉設置之初或稍晚，即轄有居延縣的可能性不小。以此觀之，居延都尉改隸屬張掖郡的時間應該更早，可能與其管理的居延縣，在宣帝本始初年前後一起納入張掖郡轄下。
It is possible to add that, from the third point of view, it is reasonable for Captain Yandu to live earlier in Yanzhou or the same time, except for the fact that there is currently no mention of the earlier years of Lieutenant Yandu’s existence in Jane’s book, or of his slave in Zhang Jing County, rather than in Yan County. Moreover, the time of the construction of the Governor’s residence and the time of his admission into Zhang Jing County, which has not been settled there, is close to the time of the construction of the Governor’s residence, and the likelihood that there will be an extension of the Governor’s residence at the beginning of the construction or later.
此外，亦可檢視肩水都尉何時隸屬於張掖郡。金關簡73E.J.T24:244「本始元年」（73 B.C.）紀年簡有「張掖肩水廣地候」，為目前所見最早的年代。目前所見居延都尉隸屬張掖郡的時間稍晚於肩水都尉，從兩個地區與張掖太守府距離的遠近言之，居延理當不早於肩水或兩者同時。
In addition, it is possible to examine when the shoulder-water dynasty belongs to Zhang County. The Golden Jane 73E.J.T24:244 "The First Year" (73 B.C.) has a short "one shoulder-water waiter" for the earliest years to come. At present, it is observed that Captain Yandu, who belongs to Zhang dynasty, spends a little later than Captain Zhang Dynasty, speaking from a distance between the two districts and Zhang Tai's residence, to stay longer than the shoulder water or at the same time.
再來要回顧第三章末節對譚其驤地圖中弱水河道的討論。從圖五、圖六、圖七可知，漢軍在弱水的沿岸背河築塞，從上游到下游建立數個都尉防區。根據譚圖顯示西漢晚期的情況，弱水中段河道被劃入酒泉郡的北部都尉與東部都尉轄區，張掖郡對弱水河道控制，被從中截斷。然而，從建置與發展的過程來看，居延地區起初本不屬於張掖郡，即無弱水中段被劃與他郡的現象──弱水河道從上游至下游分別為張掖郡、酒泉郡和居延都尉區管轄。位置與條件類似的肩水地區恐怕也是如此，但也可能「居延都尉區」最初涵蓋後來的肩水都尉轄區。
From figure V, figure VI, and figure VII, it is known that the Han Army has built up several suburban areas on the back of the weak waters, from upstream to downstream. According to Tanto, in the late days of Sihan, the weak part of the river was drawn into the district of the birch spring county in the north and east in the district of the river, and Zhang Xi County was cut off from the center. However, from the construction and development of the river, the extended area did not initially belong to the district of Zhang Chai, i.e., there was no weak water in the region, and the riverway was drawn from the upper to the lower part of the river to the district of the birch district in the south.
史籍載太初三年「益發戍甲卒十八萬，酒泉、張掖北，置居延、休屠以衞酒泉。」居延是防衛酒泉北方的軍事區，假設弱水河道中下游最初的控制權屬於酒泉郡，便於向北方的「居延都尉區」聯絡，反倒合理。此外，太初三年時張掖郡已經建立，休屠並不在酒泉北邊，反而在張掖北邊，居延和休屠都是為了護衛酒泉的說法並不合乎地理上的方位。疑該段文末缺脫「張掖」二字，若是如此，該段文意即為「居延為護衛酒泉郡而置，休屠為護衛張掖郡而置」。漢朝設立兩個都尉區，防衛酒泉、張掖的北邊，不但位置上十分合理，亦合乎河西發展的過程，惜無證據。撇開休屠的問題不說，若居延、肩水劃予酒泉郡，弱水流域幾乎盡歸酒泉，從軍事防禦與河道管理的觀點而言，最為合適。然而，何以西漢昭、宣以後的居延、肩水地區不屬酒泉郡，卻屬張掖郡？已不得而知。
In addition, in the first three years, Zhang County was established, not north of the fountain, but north of the fountain, where both the extended and the slaughter were said to be geographically secure. If the lack of control of the waterway was initially vested in the county, it would be reasonable to communicate with the northern district of Yandu. If so, the lack of control of the water lanes, which had been established for the purpose of protecting the town of Yandu, had the massacre not been established north of the fountain, and north of the river, the prolonged and the slaughter had not been justified in order to protect the area of the water spring.
從居延漢簡E.P.T26:25、E.P.T65:23A、156.4（勞圖170）等簡文中的「輔平居成」，可知在王莽時居延屬酒泉郡，居延地區與酒泉的關係，可能比一般認為的更為密切。肩水地區情況如何，目前尚無材料。值得一提的是酒泉市肅州區博物館中，展示一枚成帝「建始三年」（30 B.C.）的紀年簡：
In the shorts of E.P.T. 26:25, E.P.T. 65:23A, 156.4 (Lutu 170), it is clear that the relationship between the area of Yan and the wine fountain may be closer than is generally thought to be when the King is reckless. The situation in the silo area is not yet known.
．酒泉居延倉丞葆建始三年十一月傳副（圖八）
In November of the third year of the Liquor Spring settlement (Figure VIII)
居延漢簡中的「居延倉」應該就是「居延城倉」。「居延倉」理應在居延，屬張掖郡，此處卻冠上「酒泉」二字。成帝時，居延屬於張掖郡當無問題，尚不見任何材料中有居延隸屬於酒泉的證據。若酒泉郡在居延地區有個倉，但此倉不在酒泉轄下，難以理解為何不是由張掖郡管理。難道倉的管理另有系統，可以橫跨數個郡域、與行政區劃的郡縣無涉？或可假設酒泉郡與張掖郡展開聯合軍事行動時，酒泉郡的軍隊基於某些原因部署在張掖郡內，此時也許會出現這樣的隸屬稱呼。然而，假設倉不是由所在郡縣管理，何以要同時冠上郡和縣的名稱？「酒泉居延」連稱，仍然顯示出從屬的關係。不過從上述酒泉與居延的關聯來看，居延在某種情況下隸屬於酒泉，並非完全不可能。可惜受限於材料，此問題尚待研究。
If there is a warehouse in Yanhan, but it is not under a drinking pool, it is difficult to understand why it is not run by Zhang County. Is there another system for managing the warehouse that can cross several counties, with no connection to the county in which the administration is located? If there is a joint military operation in Zhang County, there is no problem, there is no evidence of the presence of a slave in any material. If there is a warehouse in Yanhan, but it is not under a drinking pool, it is difficult to understand why it is not managed by Zhang County. If there is another system for managing the warehouse, there is no connection between the county and the county in which the administration is located, there is no connection between the county in question and the county in which the administration is located?
再者，西漢後期在邊境有著重要價值的弱水，可能由數個都尉分段管理，而非由酒泉、張掖轄下的縣來管理。固然如居延漢簡所揭示的，都尉防區中可能有縣轄下的鄉里，但在實際的管理上，都尉防區可能有別於縣的轄區──都尉在最前線負責軍事，縣則在後方較安全的地區主理民政，兩者轄區未必重疊。如〈地理志〉載在酒泉郡會水縣的東部都尉和北部都尉，都是駐縣城以外的鄣，兩個都尉的防區和會水縣的轄區很可能完全分離，由都尉管理水道確有可能。另一種可能則是都尉防區涵蓋縣的轄區，如居延縣本注雖然記「都尉治」，但以居延地區的沿革來看，「都尉區」最初應涵蓋後來的縣城。倘若居延地區獨立於張掖郡外時就已經有居延縣，「居延都尉區」也必然涵蓋縣的轄區。
Moreover, in the late West Han, which has an important value on the border, weak water may be managed by several dynasty divisions, rather than by drinking fountains and northern dynasties. Although the dynasty may be a remote area, as Yemhanjan has revealed, the dynasty of the dynasty may well be completely separated from the area of the dynasty, but it is possible that the dynasty of the dynasty may be separate from the area where the dynasty is administered. The other may be the dynasty of the dynasty, where the dynasty of the dynasty is responsible for the military, and the dynasty of the dynasty, where the dynasty of the dynasty is more secure than the rest of the territory, the jurisdiction of the dynasty may not necessarily overlap.
居延地區位處偏遠北方、環境相對孤立，又與張掖郡治相隔數個都尉防區，張掖郡也未擁有弱水河道全段的管理權，這都是造成居延地區地位特殊、獨立性高的原因。西漢中期以後，居延地區似乎仍有一定的獨立性。居延漢簡81.4A（勞圖缺）：
The distance from the north and the isolation of the environment, as well as the separation of several prefectures from Zhang Jing County, and the lack of authority over the whole of the weak riverway, all contribute to the special and high degree of independence of the area. After the middle of the term, the area seems to remain somewhat isolated.
□年二月壬午朔己酉奉捷丞勝移過所縣道守河津遣令史李實逐殺人
In February of this year, he was transferred to the county to protect He Jin and order him to kill him.
賞李子威金城武威張掖居延界中從者如律令
Li Wei King City is under the law.
此簡雖無紀年，但兩漢之世符合「二月壬午朔」的年代，只有西漢武帝元朔元年、元帝建昭四年與東漢明帝永平二年。該簡出現金城、武威兩郡，為宣帝以後置，故可排除元朔元年，該簡的年代當在元帝建昭四年（35 B.C.）以後。簡文中「居延」與其他郡名並稱，較可能指都尉而非縣。不省略「居延」直接寫「張掖」，反特意強調居延部都尉的轄界。又漢代西北邊境的屬國多以郡名稱之，「張掖居延屬國」卻以「居延」名之。居延地區即便後來納入張掖郡轄下，在邊境似乎仍有特殊的地位。
Although this is an ageless one, the two-man world is in line with the year of February’s midday syllables, with only West Hanwuji’s first year, the first four years of its founding and the second year of East Han Myungping’s life. The appearance of the counties of Kim and Wu Wei, after the Emperor’s appointment, precludes the New Year’s anniversary, when, after the Emperor’s first four years (35 B.C.) was established, the term “extension” and other county names may refer to the governor rather than the governor.
最後，還要對漢朝在居延地區建置的型態，稍做討論。顏師古在《漢書．武帝紀》元狩二年的注所云：「居延，匈奴中地名也，韋昭以為張掖縣，失之。張掖所置居延縣者，以安處所獲居延人而置此縣。」「居延人」應為外族，但漢朝起初在居延地區不立屬國而置縣，甚至設立獨立的「都尉區」管理。以此觀之，屬國都尉和邊郡的部都尉都可能管理原來屬於異族的地區，轄下人口當以非漢人為主，兩者在性質上究竟有多少差異？又漢朝在什麼樣的狀況下會設立屬國、什麼情況下又會直接把降附的異族納入郡縣體制？具體的情況並不清楚，但似乎仍有差別。「都尉區」可視為設立郡縣的前置步驟，為過渡性的建置。以居延地區來看，即便最初是異族故地，後來也移入不少漢人，這點從居延漢簡可見一斑。漢人移民的多寡與對土著的叛服，決定著該地是否成為以漢人為主的社會。當地土著與漢人在制度和風俗習慣的差異，也當影響漢朝是否以屬國的形式來管理降附異族，而漢人移民進入該地後對土著各層面的衝擊，亦促使漢朝對當地的行政區劃與建置作出變更。從「居延都尉區」到「張掖郡居延縣」或許正是反映這種變化過程。
Finally, there should be some discussion about the state of Han Dynasty, which was built in an extended area, and about the state of Han Dynasty, which has been in place for two years. It is not clear whether, as a result, both the country's dynasty and the provinces' dynasties may be in charge of the land originally belonging to the diaspora, and whether the inhabitants of Zhang dynasty should be in charge of the land, and how many of the inhabitants of the dynasty have been inhabiting the dynasty; and what kind of land under which Han dynasty would be in the dynasty, where Han dynasty would be in the dynasty, or even the dynasty of the dynasty. It is clear whether the dynasty of the dynasty and the dynasty would be in the dynasty of the dynasty, whether the dynasty of the dynasty would be in the dynasty, and whether the dynasty of the dynasty would be in the dynasty of the dynasty, and the dynasty of the dynasty.
圖七張掖郡都尉防區示意圖
（圖中地名直寫者為漢代地名，橫寫者為今日地名）
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「?酒泉居延倉丞葆建始三年十一月傳副」
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圖八酒泉市肅州區博物館展簡
結論
根據傳世文獻和簡牘材料，可知漢代行政區劃沿革是複雜的，邊郡的疆界更往往隨對外情勢遷移。如漢代東北邊境的「造陽」就是一個特殊的例子，《漢書．匈奴傳》載：
According to historical contributions and brief material, the Handei administration is complicated, and border areas in the border counties tend to move along with the external situation. As in the case of Handee's North East border, "Sun-making" is a special example: "Hanshu.Huns":
漢遂取河南地，築朔方，復繕故秦時蒙恬所為塞，因河而為固。漢亦棄上谷之斗辟縣造陽地以予胡。是歲，元朔二年也。
Han took the south part of the river, built the plan, and became entrenched by the river when he returned to his Qin. Han also abandoned the village of Doo-doo in order to make the sun. He was two years old.
孟康注曰：「縣斗辟曲近胡。」師古注曰：「斗，絕也。縣之斗曲入匈奴界者，其中造陽地也。」又言：
Mengang said, "The county is in a state of disarray." The master said, "Truth, never." And those who enter into the Hundred realms of the county struggles, among them the sun." And said:
雖開河南之野，建朔方之郡，亦棄造陽之北九百餘里。 Even though it's in the middle of the river, it's built in the North of the Sun for more than 900 miles. 後來的《漢書．地理志》中，上谷郡轄下沒有造陽縣。元朔二年（127 B.C.）時，漢朝為了利於防禦，放棄原有的造陽，確立該段的邊界。 Then, in "Hanshu. Geography," there is no Sun County under Upper Valley County. During the second year (127 B.C.), Han Dynasty gave up the original sun to defend itself and set the boundaries of the area. 河西四郡的疆界亦是如此，過去許多學者已指出其中可能的變化。日比野丈夫提出武帝時河西地區有「河西郡」；胡平生、張德芳和吳礽驤認為西漢中期時張掖郡治可能在昭武縣，後期才如〈地理志〉所言在觻得縣；又如之前提過漢昭帝始元六年「取天水、隴西、張掖郡各二縣置金城郡」，這些較早設立、起初屬於他郡的縣，後來被劃入金城郡下；簡文中的「輔平居成」，也證明王莽時期的居延屬酒泉郡；居延漢簡140.5A可見「肩水守縣尉」（勞圖412），疑曾有肩水縣的存在，近年公佈的金關簡73E.J.T23:67也出現「[肩]水廷隧次行」。這類不見於〈地理志〉的變化，將伴隨不斷出土的簡牘材料而層出不窮。 The same is true of the borders of the four counties of the river, where many scholars have pointed to possible changes in the past. Japan’s husband has proposed “Handsi County” in the western part of the river at the time of Wujing; Hu Binh, Zhang Defang and Zhang Xihan thought that the Governor of the county might be in Tsang Wu County in the middle of the year, as the case was made in the case of “Geozhi” ; and, as previously mentioned, in the case of Han Zhaotung, “King City County” in the first six years of the year, which had been known to have taken water, Xingsi and Zhang Jing County in the first two counties, which were originally part of his county, and which was later drawn into the county of the town of Kim City; in the case of “Standing Up” in the text, which also confirmed the King’s reckless stay in Liquor Spring County; and in the case of Yanhan Jane Janhan, where the Chief of the State (L.412), who suspected the existence of the Qing Water County of the former Queen, 73E.J.T23:67, which has recently appeared, which has also appeared, has been known as the – without any other material of the [hand], there. 以居延地區的變化作為漢代拓展的一種模式，或可重新審視文獻中的某些地名，如日比野丈夫談論的「河西」、作為漢朝在河西地區推進起點的「令居」等。《後漢書．西羌傳》載： It may be a model of Handea’s outreach, or it may re-examine some of the names in the essays, such as the “Handsi” discussed by Japan’s husband, and the “dwelling” as the starting point for Han towards the western part of the river. 及武帝征伐四夷，開地廣境，北卻匈奴，西逐諸羌，乃度河、湟，築令居塞。 And the martial arts razed and spread over the land, and the North and the Huns, and the West, and the Nadu River, and the Shatt al-Sharif. 令居築塞，可能也立都尉。因此，除了將「河西」和「令居」視為一般地名，或是郡、縣名，是否可能為類似居延一般的「都尉區」，作為情勢尚不穩固、未達立郡縣標準的過渡性建置，亦可考慮。 It is possible to consider whether, in addition to treating "Handsi" and "Deputy" as generic names, or county or county names, they may be similar to the "Doubs" for extended periods of time, as an unsettled, sub-state-standard, over-exploitation facility. 春秋戰國以來各國交界頻頻設「郡」，當與軍事拓展有密切關聯。隨著秦漢帝國的建立，「郡」的角色也從帶有濃厚軍事色彩，逐步轉為地方行政組織的單位。當漢代在拓邊過程中，因應新領地的特殊情況，需要設立如過去「郡」一般的軍事區時，即產生如「都尉區」這般過渡的建置。然「都尉區」終非長久之制，情勢穩定後，或被裁撤，或如居延地區仍設都尉（仍有負責的防區，但已隸屬於郡），亦設有民政的居延縣。居延劃入郡縣體制之下後，理當獲得許多福利，如地方人民或可透過「察舉」之制入仕等，而各種納稅與義務也應比照一般郡縣。 With the establishment of the Qin Empire, the role of the Qin Han Empire has evolved from a strong military character to a local administrative organization. When Hande is on the edge of the border, due to the particular circumstances of the new territory, there is a need to set up a military area like the former Queens, which is a transitory area, such as the Prefectural District. 本文無意精確標定漢代「居延城」的確切位置，卻盼能指陳過去研究所忽略的兩個面向──隨時間產生的變異與常態性的行政區重劃。漢代邊郡的軍政組織有其特殊性，除了都尉數量多於內郡、設有烽隧防禦系統，各種建置與區劃都因應邊境戰爭情勢與外交策略而更迭。簡牘文書提供大量屬於當地且為當代的第一手訊息，然西北簡牘本身的時代跨度從西漢武帝至東漢中後期，若不區辨簡牘內容的時代差異，恐怕將忽略漢朝經營河西地區不同時期的變化。反過來說，若能注意傳世文獻所反映的河西發展進程，或許就能解釋簡牘內容中的歧異現象。 This paper does not purposely orientate the exact location of Han Dynasty’s “residential city” but looks forward to identifying the two administrative zones that have been neglected by the Institute in the past – the variation and normality of time. The military organization in Han Dynasty has its special features, except for the fact that there are more lieutenants in the county, the existence of a defensive system, and all construction and mapping have been altered by the state of the border’s war situation and diplomatic strategy. In addition to providing a large amount of local and contemporary first-hand information, the U.N. Jane’s own time spans from West Hanwu to East Han’s late stages, it is feared that he will ignore the time-changing evolution of Han towards the West River. 張春樹指出漢朝在河西地區擴張與經營的不同階段：一開始由軍隊領銜，情勢穩定後才逐步設立郡縣的進程。酒泉和張掖為河西地區最早設立的兩個郡，而敦煌地區和居延地區，起初各自作為河西地區西面與北面的最前沿，為獨立於郡外的軍事區，又隨著經營發展，被納入郡縣體系下，敦煌地區後來甚至規模龐大到獨立成為一個郡。張春樹的觀點帶來許多反省，提示《漢書．地理志》呈現的郡縣與都尉配置，只是西漢晚期某個時期的情況，這種靜態且整齊的文字記載，易使人忽略當時極其頻繁的版圖疆域變遷以及行政區劃更迭。本文檢討漢代如何在邊境設立「都尉區」，或可提供理解漢代邊地拓展進程的一條新思路。 He pointed out that Han is expanding and operating at different stages in the western part of the river: it was initially led by the military, and the situation was stabilized before moving gradually to a county. Liquor Springs and Zhang were the first two counties in the western part of the river, while the dung and the dynasty were initially the frontlines of the western and northern parts of the river, as separate military zones, as well as as the development of the military zones outside the county, which were built under the county’s umbrella, and which became even larger and more isolated than one county. The view of the spring tree brought a lot of resonance, pointing out that the "Hanshu, geography" of the county and dynasty, which had been presented in the district, was the only time of the late Xihan, and that such a quiet and well-recorded writing would make it easier to ignore the dramatic changes in the geography and administration of the country at that time. 附錄 懸而未決──「居延城」址的推定 undecided - presumption of residence in Yeon City 學界推估「居延城」址所在的依據，一是傳世文獻，二是簡牘材料，三是遺址本身與其周邊環境。如本文在第四章所陳述的，「居延城」在不同時期當有不同的職能，最初可能是軍事性質濃厚的都尉治所，後來則是情勢趨於穩定後的縣城，兩種角色也可能同時並存。因此，學者標定「居延城」址時的依據與論述，反映的是其對該「城」角色的認知與想像。 The academic community estimates the basis for the location of the "resident city" site, i.e., the ancestral contribution, i.e. the brief material, and iii. the site itself and its surroundings. As stated in chapter IV here, the term "resident city" has different functions at different times, initially as a military dynasty, and then as a stable county, the two roles may coexist. Thus, the rationale and the narrative used by scholars when they mark the "resident city" site reflects their knowledge and imagination of the role of the city. 在越來越多學者走訪當地實際調查後，較普遍的看法是：居延縣在K710遺址、都尉府在K688遺址（參見前言表一）。此外，李并成的「綠城說」亦有其影響力。 After more and more visits to the local reality survey, it is more common to say that Yan County has a site at K710 and the capital residence at K688 (see table 1 for the preamble). In addition, Li’s “Green City Says” has its influence. 圖九Google Earth 中所見的綠城遺址 The site of the Green City, as seen in in Figure IX Google Earth 李并成直接將「居延城」視為縣城，以其他漢代縣城遺址規模為比較基準，主張目前發現的漢代縣城城牆周長絕無800公尺以下者，認定城址周長約1200公尺，且考古地層下層為漢代文化層的綠城，才是「居延城」。綠城的位置亦大致吻合簡牘記載的距離。然而，綠城城址稍成橢圓形的格局，在漢代縣城中極為少見（見圖九）。不過考量到居延地區作為邊郡的前線，處於沙漠包圍的綠洲地帶，囿於地形與邊區情勢等條件，城池規模是否一定符合一般的情況，尚難斷言。 Lee, who directly treats the city as the city of Yan as the city of Yan, is based on the size of other sites in the city of Hamde, where the wall of the city is currently found to be no more than 800 metres long, identifies the city as approximately 1,200 metres long, and where the archaeology floor is the green city of the Hande culture. The location of the city is broadly similar to the distance recorded. However, it is extremely rare in the city of Hamde (see figure 9). However, it is difficult to say whether the size of the city’s pool is consistent with the general situation, given the fact that the length of the city is the front line of the bordering county, the landscape surrounding the desert, and the circumstances of the landscape and the periphery. 除了比對城址的相對位置與距離，以及其規模外，城址的周遭環境，也是學者考量的重點。〈額濟納河下游漢代烽隧遺址調查報告〉認為： In addition to the relative location and distance of the city’s site, and its scale, the surroundings of the city are also a major consideration for scholars. K710：「僅僅是一個孤城，它的周圍數十里的範圍內不見任何防禦和通訊傳遞設施，與它所管轄的殄北塞、甲渠塞、卅井塞都相距甚遠……不合乎軍事設防的需求。」 K710: “Only an isolated city, within a range of tens of miles, there is no defence or communication transmission, far from the north, the canals and the wells of which it is in charge......... are not in line with the demands of military intervention.” K688：「在其地理位置和防禦設施上就堅實的多，它的南北兩翼均有城鄣烽隧設施，東臨伊肯河，引水、屯戍都很方便。」 K688: "There is much strength in its geographical location and in its defence facilities, its northern and southern wings are equipped with thugs, and the Icken River in the east is easy to draw water, and its landings are easy." 薛英群也支持上述觀察。持綠城說的李并成則認為： The group of Xue Ying also supports these observations. K710和K688二城位置偏處居延綠洲北部，亦受流沙的侵襲，自然環境和農耕條件較差，也不適合於縣城選址。……綠城座落在一片比較開闊的台地上，周圍多有沙丘分布。沙丘之間有大片的古棄耕地……面積約60平方公里，遠大於K710和K688周圍的古墾區，是居延古綠洲範圍內古墾區中面積最大的一塊。這裡農田量最為平廣，渠道最為密集，建築遺址最為集中，作為整個居延古綠洲統治中心的居延縣城，設於這裡的可能性自然也應最大。……至於K710、K688二城，筆者認為顯系軍事用途的城堡。二城規模較小，遠非縣城可比，且位置偏北，接近弱水尾閭，臨近衝要之地。 The cities of K710 and K688 are located in the northern part of the oasis, and also in the northern part of the oasis, under the influence of drifting sand. Natural conditions and farming conditions are less favourable or suitable for county locations....The green city is located on a more open platform, with sand dunes surrounding it. There is a large area of abandoned land between the dunes, which is about 60 square kilometres, far above K710 and K688, and is the largest in the inner half of the oasis. The fields are the most flat, the most dense, the most concentrated, and the building sites are the most concentrated, and the most likely to be located here as an extended city in the centre of the dynasty.... As far as the cities of K710 and K688 are concerned, the two cities are considered to be the castle for military purposes. 相對於居延綠洲南邊、古弱水河道以南的綠城，K710與K688位置偏北（於古弱水河道北岸，參見圖一），城址規模較小，周邊腹地、耕地亦較小，城池的軍事用途較明顯。 In contrast, in the Green City, south of the Yuen oasis, south of the ancient weak waterway, K710 and K688 are located northwards (on the north bank of the ancient weak waterway, see figure I). The city is smaller in size, the peri-urban area and the cropland are smaller, and the military use of the city pool is more obvious. 綠城說在地理位置、城址規模、周邊環境、屯墾優勢、與甲渠候官的距離（27.99公里）及考古年代上，似乎皆較能符合作為居延縣城的條件。其基址的考古文化層，甚至早至西周時期，其地理位置與自然條件應不差，自古即有人在此活動。然而，綠城一帶的漢代烽隧遺址並不多，加上遺址年代跨度大，不免讓人懷疑漢代時此處是否確為居延地區的精華地帶。景愛研究居延地區歷代的墾殖與沙漠化現象，認為K710與K688等漢代遺址所在的綠州北邊，應為漢代屯墾的主要活動範圍，反而是南邊的K789（馬圈城）、黑城、綠城與其周邊遺址，多為唐代、西夏以後所建。由此可知北邊墾區逐漸沙漠化，導致後代的墾區集中在綠州南方。 Green City says that in both its geographical location, the size of its sites, the surrounding environment, the advantages of its territory, and the distance it has from its host officials (27.99 km) and its archaeology years, it seems to be consistent with the condition of the city. The archaeology of its foundations, even as early as the west of the city, should have its geographical and natural features, and it should have been active since the beginning. However, there are not many sites around Green City, and the vast expanse of the site, which raises questions as to whether it is indeed an expansive part of the long-situation area. 然而，後代因為綠州北邊沙漠化而移墾南方，並不代表漢朝在綠州南邊就沒有屯墾與築城。綠城遺址已被證實有漢代文化層，近年更有學者在綠城東北8.49公里處，發現一漢代城址BJ2008，城牆周長約550公尺，此城在綠州南部，也在其周邊發現漢代的烽隧遺址（參見圖一）。可證綠州南部在漢代時應該已經有大量的屯墾活動。再者，景愛認為漢代居延地區主要的外敵威脅來自西面與西北面。根據景愛復原的古弱水河道和古居延澤範圍，居延綠洲西面雖有弱水，然地勢遼闊，故漢朝在河的南北兩岸列亭鄣、築城塞，是為甲渠塞；東面、東北面則以古居延澤為屏障；北面、西北面無河澤之險，卻有幾座山陵，漢軍在此修烽隧候望敵情，是為殄北塞。居延綠洲的精華地帶外圍為甲渠、殄北二塞與湖澤所保護，南面則是卅井塞，再往南則是肩水都尉轄下的廣地塞。居延綠洲周邊既然有諸塞的城鄣與烽隧護衛，「居延城」相較之下屬於「後方」，恐怕不需要如甲渠塞一般成列的烽隧線，這可能是過去以來在其附近發現的烽隧遺址較少、分布較稀疏的原因。綠城及其周邊環境的條件，反映的可能是後來發展為縣城的「居延城」格局。 However, later generations moved south because of desertification on the northern side of Green State, which did not represent Han Dynasty’s presence on the southern side of Green State. The site of Green City has been confirmed as having Hande’s cultural layers, and in recent years more learned people have found BJ2008 on the north-east side of Green City, the city’s wall is about 550 metres south of Green State, where Hande’s remains have been found (see figure I). The southern part of Green State should have seen that there was already a lot of titanium activity on the south side of Hande State. 不過，綠城說仍有未能解決的問題：根據〈額濟納古代遺址測量工作簡報〉和〈居延綠城及周圍遺存的考古學觀察〉，綠城遺址中雖有漢代考古文化層，也出土不少漢代墓葬與文物，但今日所見的城牆，只有部分確定是漢代的。K710相較之下，雖然城址規模較小，位置較封閉偏遠，但是城牆年代一致，城內格局也較清楚，有道路的痕跡、排水設施、窯址、疑似鍛冶工坊的遺留，加上散布各處的漢代磚瓦陶片，故至今仍有許多學者支持K710就是居延縣城。另外，K710與K688城址兩者格局相仿，鄰近烽隧線，軍事特性較濃厚。尤其是K688比K710更接近西北邊前線，年代也較早，且吳礽驤調查後發現K688東側有的大片城牆遺跡與建築群，從其所處的位置、城址規模和其周邊烽隧佈局看來，K688應與A35肩水都尉府一樣，為軍事要地。故不排除K688可能在較早的階段作為都尉駐防所在，或許就是文獻中的遮虜鄣。 K710為較早期的居延縣城也不無可能。 However, Green City says that there are still unresolved problems: according to an overview of the Guennah site measurements and archaeology observations of the city and its surroundings, the sites of the Green City, although they contain Handee archaeology, are still buried in Handea tombs and cultural objects, today only some of the walls seen are certain to be Handee. K710, in contrast to K710, is located in a smaller and more remote location, but the walls of the city are similar to that of K688, and the internal patterns of the city are clearer. In particular, K688 is closer to K710 than the early northwest front, the remains of the suspected mill, plus the Handei tiwato pieces, are still supported by many academics in K710 is located in the city. 從上述討論可知，學者對「城」的理解顯然有出入：如本文前言所論及的，〈額濟納河下游漢代烽隧遺址調查報告〉以都尉治所的角度考慮城址所在，但卻以關於縣城的簡文進行論證，似乎認為都尉府就在縣城內；李并成則認為K688與K710可能為軍事用途的都尉治所和遮虜鄣，但縣城當在南邊的綠城。姑且不論學者標定的遺址是否正確，這兩種觀點其實並非全然衝突，反倒各別指出居延地區不同階段可能的發展情況。 From the above discussion, it is clear that there is a difference in their understanding of the city: as discussed in the foreword, the report on the investigation of the site of the Hamde site in the Lower Jinnah River, which considers the location of the city from the perspective of the Governor's office, is supported by a brief description of the city, which seems to suggest that the capital city is in the county; and Lee, who believes that K688 and K710 may be used for military purposes, is located in the green city on the south side of the county. These observations, however, are not entirely contradictory, and point to possible developments in different parts of the region. 居延地區的遺址眾多，被判定為漢代興築的不在少數，許多過去未知的遺址也不斷被發現。其中，與K710、K688、BJ2008規模相近，或更大的城址就有數座，再加上尚未發現的城址，有漢一代在當地建置不少頗具規模的城池。以此觀之，其中「曾經」作為「行政中心的居延城」，恐怕不只一座。每座城的興建年代當有早晚之別，在不同階段也可能作為不同層級長官（都尉、縣令、候）的治所，有各自的功能與防禦範圍。另一方面，長官所駐防的地點，也是隨實際情勢更易，不會拘泥於某處。又或許，在太初三年「置居延」時並沒有一座被稱為「居延城」的城池，當時「居延」一詞恐怕是城鄣烽隧防線的統稱，都尉也駐防在前線較小的鄣。稍晚才建了一座大城，都尉改治於此，而被稱為「居延城」。居延縣設立後，亦以此為縣治，即為〈地理志〉所記載西漢中晚期後的情況。在此過程中，都尉治所可能曾隨情勢變化而遷徙，然確切的情況與時間點目前難以考究。 On the other hand, the location where the Han generation has not yet been found, and where the Han generation has built a large number of well-defined ponds, it is feared that there will not be more than one. In the early days of the construction of each city, there will be no more than one. In the early days of the construction of each city, there may also be different locations for different levels of authority (director, district order, residence), with their respective functions and defences. On the other hand, the location where you are standing is easier and will not be isolated. 本文為作者碩士學位論文（臺灣大學，2014年），原載《史原》復刊5期，總26期，2014年9月，頁1 - 115。因微信平台字數所限，文章推送時分為上、下，同時略去注釋，引用時請核對原文。 >, author of a bachelor's degree dissertation (Taiwan University, 2014), originally reprinted in 5 issues of Hispan, 26 issues, September 2014, pp. 1 - 115. due to the number of words in the micro-letter platform, the article is sent up and down, is posted at the same time, and please check the original text when quoted.
感謝作者授權發佈 編輯：李凱凱
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